It is planning to create its own rival "salvation government.
Other materials relating to official party bodies have at some point been abstracted from personal deposits, notably the extensive papers of R. Palme Dutt, whose annotations can be found on documents scattered throughout the archives. With these exceptions, the central records of the Party itself date primarily from the mid-to-late s.
In particular, they can be connected with the overhaul of party organisation inand it is from this point that key classes of documents, like those of the Executive Committee and Organisation Department, can be Bsp money museum reaction paper more or less continuously.
Formally, it was the national party congress, as the "supreme authority of the Party", that laid down the "general lines" which the EC was obliged to follow. In practice, executive control over congress procedures, including its own re-election, lent substance to the view that it constituted an essentially self-perpetuating leadership.
Its composition was explicitly affected by issues of representativeness: Politically, on the other hand, the EC expressed and upheld a monolithic conception of party unity.
Indeed, by the strengthening of the party rules in it was further established that it should "guide and direct the work of all Party organisations" and apply disciplinary measures to any such organisation failing "to carry out Party decisions.
These, designedly, can be as laconic and unrevealing as any conspirator could have wished. Contributions of individuals and the character of discussions are rarely noted and even key decisions are often recorded elliptically.
Perhaps in part for this very reason, leading communists frequently made their own notes at these meetings and where these are available they can be found alongside the relevant minutes.
Very often these are exceptionally revealing and provide the sorts of information that the formal minutes were designed to conceal. Such issues are not peculiar to communist parties. Rather like the diaries of Labour cabinet ministers, they are often essential to the filling out of a sometimes less than informative formal record.
Along with a mass of related documentation, there are full reports of all congresses from the 20th to the 28th Fromproceedings were tape-recorded and the tapes, along with other sound materials formerly in the CPGB archives, are now deposited with the National Sound Archive.
Stenograms of earlier congresses will be found in the Moscow archives. In between the more turbulent affairs of the s and the s, one could have wished that party congresses had been less meticulously choreographed.
There were, however, moments of tension, as inand increasingly from as party unity ebbed. For the values, the rituals, the language and the political culture of British communism, as well as insights into a wide spread of party activities, the congress materials provide an important source.
As the direct oversight of the Comintern became somewhat attenuated from the late s, appreciable powers of patronage and advancement within the party also fell to the general secretary. The study of these developments is of interest, not only to comparative historians of communism, but to students of party institutions more generally.
Personal papers survive both of Pollitt and his successors, notably John Gollan, general secretary from The concentration of party leaders in King Street meant that they were rarely forced to correspond, unless for the specific purpose of putting their views on record.
Discussions of the party secretariat, or of the tight knot of functionaries who effectively directed policy, are thus rarely documented. Conversely, individuals, branches and even districts away from the centre often had no choice but to resort to more durable forms of communication.
Coverage of press and policy statements issued by the party follows a similar pattern but continues into the final years of the party. The aspiration to provide a nationally co-ordinated lead on key issues of current politics is nowhere better conveyed than by this plethora of documentation. Apart from the brief interlude of the Anglo-Soviet wartime alliance, Britain was more or less consistently depicted as a bulwark of world reaction, hostile to socialism, partial to fascism, beholden to American imperialism and an oppressor of its own colonies.
The CPGB thus had a responsibility to link up with and itself promote anti-colonial struggles, a responsibility which critics alleged involved the party itself striking imperial postures in its relationships with colonial communists. Evidence both for this and for a more generous reading of colonial solidarity can be found in the archives.
The archive does, however, contain two priceless individual deposits, namely those of Ben Bradley and Glyn Evans qq. The CPGB, it appears, was called upon to try to straighten them out. These efforts are well documented, but again in personal deposits: These provided a valuable source of possible cadres in countries previously lacking strong indigenous communist movements.
At the time of the Sino-Soviet split of the s, for example, British communist leaders had discussions with both the Soviet and Chinese parties, and a fairly full documentation survives.
There are also useful materials relating to the later phenomenon of Eurocommunism. Though CPGB membership was by this time declining, such anxieties probably reached their peak with the industrial conflict of the s and s, as members and former members of an earlier vintage reached the pinnacle of their trade union careers.
For those set on exposing or celebrating such machinations, the archives will be found to contain only fragmentary information.Products Guide The company Giordano Riello, founder and chairman of Aermec, assisted by his son Alessandro and daughter Raffaella, has .
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